
A Comprehensive Family History
From the courtrooms of Allahabad and the Supreme Court of India to the military aristocracy of Hyderabad — the extraordinary lineage that shaped a legend
by Sharik Currimbhoy Ebrahim
Justice Nasirullah Beg (left) with Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, former President of India, during the Allahabad High Court centenary celebrations, 1966
Shahnaz Husain, the world-renowned beauty entrepreneur, is the product of two of the most distinguished families in Indian history. On her paternal side, she descends from a dynasty of jurists who shaped the very foundations of Indian constitutional law — men who risked arrest to defend judicial independence, who struck down unconstitutional amendments, and who established the separation of powers as an inviolable principle. On her maternal side, she inherits the legacy of the military aristocracy of Hyderabad — commanders who served the Nizam, fought across continents, and were knighted by the British Crown for their valour.
This comprehensive family history documents both sides of her extraordinary lineage — a story of law and arms, of intellect and courage, of service to the nation in its most consequential hours.
Part One
Architects of Indian Constitutional Law
Chapter I
The Patriarch of a Legal Dynasty

“My father came from a family of legal luminaries. His father, Mirza Samiullah Beg, was the Chief Justice of Hyderabad and the Governor of Nagpur during the pre-Independence days... My grandfather was very patriotic and was involved in the freedom movement.
— Shahnaz Husain, The Punch Magazine
Born into an aristocratic Deccani Muslim family in Lucknow, Mirza Samiullah Beg was a towering figure of his era. He served as the Chief Justice of Hyderabad State — one of the most powerful princely states in India — and later as the Governor of Nagpur, demonstrating both his judicial acumen and his administrative capabilities. He was not merely a judicial officer but a deeply patriotic figure, actively involved in the Indian freedom movement at a time when such involvement carried great personal risk.
His home in Hyderabad was a hub of intellectual and political activity. Pandit Motilal Nehru, the patriarch of the Nehru dynasty and a leading figure in the Indian National Congress, was a close personal friend who frequently stayed at Mirza Samiullah Beg's residence whenever he visited Hyderabad. This friendship exposed the young Beg brothers to the forefront of India's anti-colonial struggle and embedded in them a synthesis of traditional Indian heritage, progressive liberal ideals, and a deep reverence for the law.
Recognising the importance of a world-class legal education, Mirza Samiullah Beg sent both his sons — Nasirullah and Hameedullah — to study at Cambridge University and Oxford University in England, where they were called to the Bar as Barristers. This exposure to the British common law system, the Magna Carta, and the historical struggles for civil liberties, juxtaposed against the harsh realities of a colonised India striving for a written constitution, uniquely positioned the brothers to navigate the extreme complexities of newly independent India's legal landscape.
Chapter II
The Guardian of Judicial Independence
Justice Nasirullah Beg (N.U. Beg) ascended to the bench of the Allahabad High Court — the largest and one of the most prestigious judicial institutions in India, established by the Letters Patent of Queen Victoria in 1866. Before his elevation, he distinguished himself as an advocate of exceptional calibre, serving as the Chief Standing Counsel and Government Advocate for the State of Uttar Pradesh during the critical, formative years of the republic.
One of the most significant moments of Nasirullah Beg's career as an advocate occurred during the intense litigation surrounding the agrarian reforms of the early 1950s. The U.P. Zamindari Abolition and Land Reforms Act, 1950 represented a monumental socio-economic shift — aimed at dismantling the centuries-old, exploitative feudal intermediary system. Appearing before a formidable five-judge Full Bench alongside the legendary Attorney General of India, M.C. Setalvad, Nasirullah Beg fiercely defended the Act. The Court's decision to uphold its constitutionality was a watershed moment — an early, crucial judicial recognition that the Indian Constitution was an instrument of social revolution.

March 1964 — The Allahabad High Court became the stage for India's most severe constitutional confrontation
The doctrine of the separation of powers and the operational independence of the judiciary in India faced its most severe, existential threat in March 1964. A citizen named Keshav Singh, a political worker, had distributed a pamphlet containing allegations against a ruling Congress MLA. The U.P. Legislative Assembly sentenced him to seven days' imprisonment for contempt of the House. His advocate filed a Habeas Corpus petition before the Lucknow Bench.
The petition was placed before Justice Nasirullah Beg and Justice G.D. Sahgal. Faced with a citizen claiming unlawful deprivation of personal liberty, the two judges passed an interim order directing that Keshav Singh be released on bail. It was a lawful, principled exercise of their constitutional jurisdiction — and it set the institutions of the state on a collision course.
Keshav Singh is reprimanded by the U.P. Assembly, shows disrespect, and is sentenced to 7 days in prison for contempt.
Justices N.U. Beg and G.D. Sahgal hear the Habeas Corpus petition and grant interim bail to Keshav Singh.
The U.P. Assembly passes a resolution finding Justices Beg, Sahgal, and Advocate Solomon in contempt; formal arrest warrants are issued against the sitting judges.
An unprecedented 28-judge Full Bench of the Allahabad High Court convenes and stays the Assembly's arrest warrants — the largest bench in Indian judicial history.
Under immense pressure, the Assembly withdraws the physical arrest warrants but orders the judges to appear and provide explanations.
The President of India invokes Article 143, referring the constitutional deadlock to the Supreme Court for an advisory opinion.
The reaction of the U.P. Legislative Assembly was swift, furious, and entirely unprecedented. On 21 March 1964, the Assembly declared that the two sitting High Court Judges had committed gross contempt of the House. The Speaker issued formal warrants for the arrest of Justice Beg and Justice Sahgal.
“If a political majority in the legislature could simply arrest judges for passing judicial orders in the discharge of their duties, the judiciary would be rendered entirely subservient, and the separation of powers would become a dead letter.
In a profound, historic display of judicial solidarity, a massive Full Bench comprising 28 judges convened on 23 March 1964. This remains the largest bench ever constituted in the entire history of the Indian judiciary, vastly surpassing even the famous 13-judge bench of the Supreme Court in Kesavananda Bharati. The 28-judge bench immediately stayed the Assembly's arrest warrants.
The President of India, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, exercised his extraordinary powers under Article 143(1), referring the entire dispute to the Supreme Court. A seven-judge Constitution Bench, led by Chief Justice P.B. Gajendragadkar, delivered a landmark ruling:
The Court ruled definitively that in India, the Constitution — not the Parliament or the State Legislature — is supreme.
Article 211 bars the legislature from even discussing a judge's conduct in the discharge of duties — it is therefore inherently barred from punishing a judge for that conduct.
The High Court possesses the undeniable jurisdiction to examine any Habeas Corpus petition, even if the detention arises from a legislative order.
Justice N.U. Beg and Justice G.D. Sahgal were entirely competent to entertain Keshav Singh's petition. Neither the judges nor Advocate Solomon had committed contempt of the Assembly.
“Justice Nasirullah Beg's initial, fearless refusal to bow to legislative intimidation forced the Supreme Court to definitively lay down the law: the Legislature cannot be the sole, unquestioned judge in its own cause when a citizen's liberty is at stake.
Justice N.U. Beg's actions in the Keshav Singh case directly led to the Supreme Court's definitive ruling that the Constitution — not Parliament — is supreme in India. Unlike the British Westminster model where Parliament is sovereign, the Indian system places the Constitution above all institutions. This principle, forged in the fire of the 1964 crisis, has been cited in hundreds of subsequent cases and remains the bedrock of Indian constitutional governance.
Before the Keshav Singh case, it was an open question whether courts could review actions taken by legislatures under their claimed "privileges." The Supreme Court's ruling — triggered by Justice Beg's courageous bail order — established that no legislature can claim unlimited privilege to imprison citizens without judicial oversight. This doctrine has protected countless citizens from arbitrary legislative action in the decades since.
The ruling confirmed that no authority — not even a State Legislature — can place itself beyond the reach of a Habeas Corpus petition. The right of any citizen to challenge their detention before a court of law was affirmed as absolute and non-derogable. This principle was later invoked during the Emergency of 1975-77 and continues to serve as the ultimate safeguard of personal liberty in India.
Justice Nasirullah Beg's judicial acumen led to his appointment as the Chief Justice of the Allahabad High Court in 1966. As Chairman of the centenary celebration committee, he mounted a grand exhibition of judicial records, ancient Persian firmans from Mughal emperors, and photographs of landmark judgments — subsequently converted into a permanent Law Museum and Archives. His centenary address, delivered before the President of India, Dr. S. Radhakrishnan, and the Chief Justice of India, K. Subba Rao, articulated a profound vision of the judiciary as the ultimate guardian of democratic values.
Chapter III
Architect of the Separation of Powers at the Apex

The Supreme Court of India — where Chief Justice M.H. Beg shaped the highest contours of constitutional law
While Justice Nasirullah Beg heroically defended the operational independence of the judiciary at the state level, his brother, Mirza Hameedullah Beg, shaped the highest theoretical contours of the separation of powers at the apex level. Born in 1913 in Lucknow, M.H. Beg was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge, and the London School of Economics. He was called to the Bar from Lincoln's Inn in 1941.
His distinguished trajectory saw him serve as a Judge of the Allahabad High Court from 1963, the first Chief Justice of the newly formed Himachal Pradesh High Court in 1971, and a Judge of the Supreme Court from December 1971, eventually ascending to the 15th Chief Justice of India in January 1977. He was later awarded the Padma Vibhushan, India's second-highest civilian honour, in 1988.
When Parliament passed the 39th Constitutional Amendment to retroactively validate Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's voided election, a five-judge Constitution Bench including Justice M.H. Beg unanimously struck it down. His concurring opinion articulated the landmark "essential functions" theory: a law that takes over an essential function of another branch of government violently breaches the separation of powers.
“By striking down the 39th Amendment, Justice M.H. Beg and the Bench successfully operationalised the Basic Structure Doctrine, proving definitively that the Supreme Court could and would strike down constitutional amendments that irreparably damaged the separation of powers — thus preserving the Republic during its darkest hour.
In this seminal case, an unprecedented 13-judge bench delivered a razor-thin 7:6 majority decision establishing the Basic Structure Doctrine. Justice M.H. Beg authored a highly detailed, scholarly opinion emphasising that the separation of powers and the supremacy of the Constitution are basic, unalterable features. His core argument: judicial powers are explicitly and exclusively vested in the courts by the Constitution, and Parliament cannot usurp essential judicial functions.
| Landmark Case | Year | Contribution |
|---|---|---|
| Kesavananda Bharati | 1973 | Ruled that separation of powers is a basic feature. Parliament cannot usurp core judicial functions. |
| Indira Gandhi v. Raj Narain | 1975 | Struck down the 39th Amendment. Articulated the 'essential functions' theory. |
| State of Rajasthan v. UoI | 1977 | As Chief Justice, provided a masterly analysis of Indian federalism and the political question doctrine. |
Justice M.H. Beg's scholarly opinion in Kesavananda Bharati helped establish that certain features of the Constitution are so fundamental that even Parliament cannot amend them away. This doctrine — unique in world jurisprudence — has since been adopted or referenced by courts in Bangladesh, Pakistan, Kenya, and Belize. It remains the single most important constitutional principle in Indian law, invoked in every major constitutional challenge since 1973.
In Indira Gandhi v. Raj Narain, Justice Beg articulated a precise test for separation of powers violations: if a law transfers an "essential function" of one branch of government to another, it violates the basic structure. This theory gave courts a practical, workable framework for evaluating future constitutional amendments and legislative overreach. It was instrumental in striking down the 39th Amendment and has been applied in dozens of subsequent cases involving the boundaries between legislative, executive, and judicial power.
As Chief Justice in State of Rajasthan v. Union of India (1977), Justice Beg delivered a masterly analysis of Indian federalism, examining the limits of the Centre's power to dismiss state governments under Article 356. His opinion laid the groundwork for the doctrine that the Court can review the President's satisfaction in invoking emergency provisions — a principle later crystallised in the landmark S.R. Bommai v. Union of India (1994), which ended the arbitrary dismissal of state governments and transformed Indian federal relations.
The doctrines shaped by CJI M.H. Beg have transcended India's borders. The Basic Structure Doctrine has been described by constitutional scholars as India's greatest contribution to global constitutional jurisprudence. It has been cited by the Supreme Courts of Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Kenya, and studied in constitutional law courses at Harvard, Oxford, and Cambridge. Justice Beg's intellectual legacy thus extends far beyond any single case — it reshaped how the world thinks about the limits of democratic power.
Part Two
The Military Aristocracy of Hyderabad
Chapter IV
Knight Commander, Commander-in-Chief of the Nizam's Forces

Sir Afsar Ul Mulk on horseback — photographed by Raja Deen Dayal, c. 1903
On Shahnaz Husain's maternal side, the family legacy shifts from the courtroom to the battlefield — and to a military alliance that stretches back to the rulers of Central Asia. Her maternal great-grandfather, Nawab Muhammad Ali Beg, better known by his exalted title Sir Afsar Ul Mulk, was one of the most decorated military commanders in the history of the Hyderabad State. Born in 1852 in Aurangabad, he was the son of Mirza Vilayet Ali Beg, a Ressaldar and later a senior commander of the Hyderabad Contingent. But the family's military lineage reaches far deeper: Sir Afsar's grandfather had been a ruler in Central Asia who descended to India in the 1700s with an army, forging a military alliance with the Nizam of Hyderabad. For three generations, this family would serve as the sword arm of the Nizam's dominions — a dynasty of commanders-in-chief whose loyalty and martial prowess were indispensable to the survival of the state.
Sir Afsar Ul Mulk rose through the ranks to become the Commander-in-Chief of the Nizam's regular forces, the Aide-de-Camp to the Nizam of Hyderabad, and the Commander of the Golconda Brigade. He also commanded the 1st and 2nd Lancers of the Hyderabad Imperial Service Troops and served as Honorary Colonel of the 20th Deccan Horse — one of the most storied cavalry regiments in Indian military history.
Sir Afsar Ul Mulk's military career was not confined to the Deccan. He led Hyderabad's forces across multiple continents in some of the most significant military campaigns of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries:
One of the most challenging campaigns of the British Indian era, fought in the harsh terrain of Afghanistan. Sir Afsar Ul Mulk commanded Hyderabad's contingent with distinction, earning early recognition for his leadership under fire.
A punitive expedition on the North-West Frontier against tribal forces. His command of cavalry units in mountainous terrain demonstrated tactical versatility and personal courage.
During the Boxer Rebellion, Hyderabad's Imperial Service Troops were deployed to China as part of the international relief force. Sir Afsar Ul Mulk's participation in this far-flung campaign demonstrated the global reach of Hyderabad's military commitments.
During the First World War, he served with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force, contributing to the Allied campaigns in the Middle Eastern theatre — a testament to his enduring service even in his later years.

Lancers of the Hyderabad Contingent — the elite cavalry units commanded by Sir Afsar Ul Mulk
Sir Afsar Ul Mulk was born in 1852, which means he was just five years old when the Indian Rebellion of 1857 erupted across the subcontinent. His father, Mirza Vilayet Ali Beg, was then serving in the 3rd Lancers of the Hyderabad Contingent — the very forces upon which the security of the Nizam's dominions depended. According to family tradition, Vilayet Ali Beg held the position of Commander-in-Chief, and a contemporaneous drawing from 1857, preserved in the family's possession, depicts him in the midst of the conflict. What is certain from the historical record is that the Hyderabad Contingent remained loyal during the rebellion, effectively stemming the revolt in the Carnatic and Mysore regions and helping preserve the stability of the largest princely state in India.
The 5th Nizam, Afzal-ud-Daulah, had ascended the throne on 16 May 1857 — at the very moment the rebellion ignited. His decision to maintain Hyderabad's stability, supported by the loyalty of his military forces including the Beg family's contingent, was one of the most consequential acts of the era. This shared trial between sovereign and soldier deepened the bond between the two families. The Nizam depended on the loyalty and martial prowess of families like the Begs; in return, such families derived their authority and position from the Nizam's patronage. It was a symbiosis of crown and sword that would endure across generations.
This deep relationship between the Nizam's dynasty and Sir Afsar's family illuminates everything that followed. The 6th Nizam, Mir Mahboob Ali Khan, presented Sir Afsar with Rahmat Manzil, a grand Victorian mansion in Hyderabad — a mark of the extraordinary esteem in which the Commander-in-Chief was held. The Nizam also arranged for Sir Afsar's eldest son to marry a granddaughter of the 5th Nizam, binding the military commander's family to the royal house through blood. By the time of Sir Afsar and his son, the family had controlled the Nizam's army for three consecutive generations. The marriage alliance was the sovereign's method of securing this loyalty — a time-honoured strategy in which the throne bound its most powerful military family to itself through kinship, ensuring that the sword would always serve the crown.
A remarkable detail of Rahmat Manzil speaks volumes about the power dynamics of the era: the mansion's entrance featured a door only four feet high. The message was unmistakable — even when the Nizam himself came to visit, he would have to bow his head to enter. It was a subtle but potent assertion of the dignity and independence of the Commander-in-Chief's household. For a family that had commanded the entire army of Hyderabad for three generations, such symbolism was not mere vanity — it was a statement of the balance of power between the sovereign and his most indispensable servant.
In recognition of his extraordinary service, Sir Afsar Ul Mulk received a cascade of honours from both the Nizam of Hyderabad and the British Crown. The Nizam conferred upon him the titles of Khan Bahadur, Afsur Jung (1884), Afsur Dowla (1895), and finally the supreme title of Afsar-ul-Mulk (1903) — meaning "Commander of the Kingdom" — from which he is best known.
The British Crown honoured him with the Companion of the Order of the Indian Empire (C.I.E.) in 1897, the Member of the Royal Victorian Order (M.V.O.) in 1906, and the Knight Commander of the Order of the Indian Empire (K.C.I.E.) in 1908 — entitling him to the prefix "Sir." In 1902, he was chosen to represent Hyderabad at the coronation of King Edward VII in London, a singular honour reflecting his stature as the foremost military figure of the Nizam's dominions.

Hyderabad Imperial Service Troops at the Coronation of King Edward VII, London, 1902
Beyond his military achievements, Sir Afsar Ul Mulk was also a man of letters. He authored Swanneh Afsari Vol I, a memoir documenting his campaigns and experiences — a rare first-hand account from a senior Indian military commander of that era, and precisely the kind of primary source that the Great Minds Institute seeks to preserve.
Beyond the medals and titles, contemporary accounts reveal a man of extraordinary personal qualities — shrewd, ambitious, physically gifted, and possessed of a magnetic charisma that drew the admiration of both the Nizam and the British establishment.
One day, the Nizam, accompanied by his Minister and companions, rode out to Sarurnagar to enjoy the air. While they were on the road, the Minister dropped his handkerchief. Without a moment's hesitation, Mirza Muhammad Ali Beg — the young officer who would become Sir Afsar Ul Mulk — galloped after it, and without dismounting, bent down from his horse and lifted it from the ground.
“For this performance he received praises from all sides.
— Nawab Server-ul-Mulk, autobiography (1931)
This feat of horsemanship — scooping an object from the ground at full gallop without dismounting — is a skill that even today is considered extraordinarily difficult. It demonstrated the physical prowess and showmanship that would define his career.
At the accession of the 7th Nizam, Mir Osman Ali Khan, in 1911, Sir Afsar Ul Mulk and Sir Faridoon-ul-Mulk were the first nobles to offer nazar (tribute) to the new sovereign. After presenting their offering, they placed their heads on the feet of the new Nizam — a profound gesture of loyalty that set the precedent for all other nobles who followed. It was a calculated act of political theatre that cemented his position as the foremost noble in the court.
Such was the trust placed in Sir Afsar Ul Mulk that he was personally appointed to oversee the physical and military education of the young prince who would become the last Nizam. The course of instruction included shooting, riding, tent-pegging, cricket, and the Urdu and Persian languages. In shaping the future ruler, Sir Afsar Ul Mulk was not merely a military commander but a moulder of kings.
Nawab Server-ul-Mulk, a contemporary nobleman who knew Sir Afsar Ul Mulk personally, left a remarkably candid assessment in his autobiography (1931):
“...a far sighted, calculating, clever young man.
— Nawab Server-ul-Mulk Bahadur
“He would worship the rising sun, and then would not hesitate to turn his face from it when it set.
— Nawab Server-ul-Mulk Bahadur
This was not criticism but grudging admiration. Sir Afsar Ul Mulk was a pragmatic political survivor in a court where fortunes could shift overnight. He navigated the complex web of Hyderabad's aristocratic politics with the same skill he displayed on the battlefield — reading the terrain, anticipating the enemy's moves, and positioning himself for advantage. His lifestyle was held up as "a model" of "luxurious, comfortable life" — he owned a motorcar as early as 1909, employed English governesses for his children, and resided in Rahmat Manzil, a grand Victorian mansion gifted by the 6th Nizam himself.
His wife, referred to as Begum Sahiba and affectionately as "Khala Jan," was a formidable hostess who presided over the social life of Rahmat Manzil. She hosted elaborate all-day gatherings for large numbers of guests, blending the observance of purdah with modern conveniences — a household where tradition and modernity coexisted with grace.
“The first dinner and breakfast included my entire family, male and female. It was hosted by Colonel Nawab Sir Afsar ul-Mulk's wife and the colonel himself. I was hosted inside the house with my sisters and sisters-in-law... Begum sahiba, whom I call Khala Jan, asked me to come at nine in the morning. She had me stay until evening.
— A Journey to Mecca and London (1909)

Rahmat Manzil — the grand Victorian mansion gifted by the 6th Nizam to Sir Afsar Ul Mulk
Chapter V
Son of the Commander-in-Chief, Son-in-Law of the Nizam
The eldest son of Sir Afsar Ul Mulk, Major Nawab Osman Yarud-Daulah Bahadur — known as Nawab Osman Uddaulah — was not merely a military commander in his own right; he was the living embodiment of the alliance between the Nizam's throne and its most powerful military family. He held the rank of Major in the Hyderabad Army, served as Aide-de-Camp to the Nizam, and commanded the Golconda forces, one of the most prestigious military commands in the Deccan. As the son of the Commander-in-Chief, he inherited the military authority that his family had wielded for three generations.
But Nawab Osman Uddaulah was also the son-in-law of the 5th Nizam of Hyderabad. He married a daughter of HH Nawab Afzal-ud-Daulah, Asaf Jah V, connecting the Commander-in-Chief's family directly to the ruling dynasty. This was not merely a social elevation — it was the culmination of a strategic alliance between crown and sword that had been forged during the 1857 rebellion and deepened across three generations of loyal military service.
It was through Nawab Osman Uddaulah's daughter, Sayeeda Begum, that the story takes its most remarkable turn. Sayeeda Begum married Justice Nasirullah Beg, the son of Chief Justice Mirza Samiullah Beg — the Chief Justice of Hyderabad. In a single generation, the household of Sir Afsar Ul Mulk had concentrated within itself three of the most powerful forces in the state: the military (through Sir Afsar and his son, who commanded the Nizam's entire army), the royal family (through the marriage to the Nizam's daughter), and the judiciary (through the marriage of Sayeeda Begum to the son of the Chief Justice). Three pillars of civilisation — arms, crown, and law — converged under the roof of Rahmat Manzil.
Their daughter, Shahnaz Husain — the great-great-granddaughter of the 5th Nizam of Hyderabad — thus inherits the combined legacy of sovereigns who modernised a kingdom, military commanders who fought across continents, and jurists who defended the Constitution at the risk of their own liberty. It is a lineage of extraordinary breadth and depth — one that speaks to the richness of India's composite heritage.
Chapter VI
The 5th Nizam of Hyderabad (1857–1869) — Great-Great-Grandfather of Shahnaz Husain
Through Nawab Osman Uddaulah's marriage to the daughter of the 5th Nizam, Shahnaz Husain is the great-great-granddaughter of His Highness Afzal-ud-Daulah, Asaf Jah V — the ruler of the largest and wealthiest princely state in British India. Born Mir Tahniyat Ali Khan Siddiqi on 11 October 1827, he ascended the throne on 16 May 1857 — at the very moment the Indian Rebellion erupted across the subcontinent — and ruled Hyderabad until his death in 1869 at the age of just 41.
The 5th Nizam's most consequential decision came in his very first days on the throne. As the Indian Rebellion of 1857 swept across northern India, threatening to topple British authority entirely, the young Nizam chose to maintain Hyderabad's stability and loyalty. This was not a passive choice — Hyderabad was the largest princely state in India, covering 82,000 square miles with a population of over 11 million. Had the Nizam joined the rebellion, the entire course of Indian history might have changed. His decision preserved Hyderabad's sovereignty, its treasury, and its people from the devastating reprisals that befell rebellious states.
Central to this stability was the loyalty of the Hyderabad Contingent, the Nizam's military forces. The Contingent — including the 3rd Lancers, in which Sir Afsar Ul Mulk's father, Mirza Vilayet Ali Beg, served — remained steadfastly loyal during the rebellion, effectively stemming the revolt in the Carnatic and Mysore regions. The 5th Nizam's reign thus depended not only on his own statecraft but on the martial fidelity of families like the Begs, whose service to the Nizam's dynasty stretched back to their ancestors' arrival from Central Asia. It was this bond, forged in the crucible of 1857, that would later lead the Nizam's successors to bind the two families through marriage.
Despite his short reign of just twelve years, the 5th Nizam transformed Hyderabad from a medieval kingdom into a modern state. Working with his brilliant Prime Minister Salar Jung I, he undertook a sweeping programme of reforms:
He established the Hyderabad Medical School, which later became the renowned Osmania Medical College — one of the most prestigious medical institutions in India, pioneering healthcare education in the Deccan.
He founded Dar-ul-Uloom, the first regular educational institution of Hyderabad, laying the foundation for the state's transformation into a centre of learning that would later produce Osmania University.
He constructed the first railway and telegraph networks in Hyderabad and instituted a modern postal service — connecting the Deccan to the wider world and fuelling Hyderabad's prosperity.
With Salar Jung, he reformed the revenue and judicial systems, established a central treasury (1855), and divided the realm into five subahs and sixteen districts with a proper administrative hierarchy.
In a remarkable act of welfare, he purchased 42 accommodation buildings in Mecca for Hyderabad State pilgrims performing the Hajj — providing free lodging for his subjects on their most sacred journey. Three of these buildings still stand today.
In 1861, the 5th Nizam was awarded the Star of India, and he held the title Grand Commander of the Star of India (GCSI) — the highest order of chivalry associated with the British Indian Empire. His full style was "His Highness Sir Nizam-ul-Mulk, Afzal ad-Dawlah, Nawab Farooqi Mir Tahniat Ali Khan Bahadur, Asaf Jah V, GCSI, Nizam of Hyderabad."
Though he died young at 41, the 5th Nizam's legacy endured through the institutions he built, the reforms he enacted, and the dynasty he sustained. His granddaughter's marriage to Nawab Osman Uddaulah would connect the royal bloodline to the family of Sir Afsar Ul Mulk — and ultimately to the Beg judicial dynasty through Shahnaz Husain's parents.
Shahnaz Husain thus carries within her the blood of a sovereign who modernised the largest princely state in India, who built hospitals and schools, who connected his kingdom to the world through railways and telegraph, and who provided shelter for his subjects in the holiest city on earth. The 5th Nizam's vision of progress tempered by compassion echoes unmistakably in the life of his great-great-granddaughter.
The Common Thread
What made this family extraordinary was not merely wealth or position, but a constellation of personality traits that recurred across generations — forged in different arenas but unmistakably the same in character.
| Trait | 5th Nizam | Sir Afsar Ul Mulk | Mirza Samiullah Beg | Justice N.U. Beg | CJI M.H. Beg | Shahnaz Husain |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Fearless Courage | Ascended the throne during the 1857 Revolt and chose to maintain stability when joining the rebellion could have changed history — a decision of immense personal and political courage | Led cavalry charges across Afghanistan, China, and Egypt; personally commanded troops under fire in multiple campaigns | Left a prestigious position in Hyderabad to join the freedom movement; stood with Nehru against colonial power | Refused to bow to Parliament's arrest warrants; upheld a citizen's liberty knowing it could cost him his freedom | Struck down the 39th Amendment during the Emergency, directly challenging the most powerful Prime Minister in Indian history | Pioneered Ayurvedic beauty globally when the industry dismissed natural products; built an empire against all conventional wisdom |
| Intellectual Rigour | Partnered with Salar Jung I to design comprehensive administrative, judicial, and revenue reforms — demonstrating sophisticated understanding of statecraft | Authored Swanneh Afsari, a detailed military memoir; mastered multiple languages including Persian, Urdu, and English | Rose to Chief Justice of Hyderabad through scholarly excellence; known for meticulous legal reasoning | Cambridge-educated; his Keshav Singh bail order was a masterclass in constitutional interpretation that withstood Supreme Court scrutiny | Trinity College, Cambridge and LSE; his Kesavananda Bharati opinion is studied in law schools worldwide for its scholarly depth | Mastered the science of Ayurveda and modern cosmetic chemistry; authored multiple books on beauty and wellness |
| Strategic Vision | Built railways, telegraph, and postal networks that connected Hyderabad to the modern world — seeing decades ahead of his contemporaries | Navigated Hyderabad court politics with precision; positioned himself as the foremost noble through calculated loyalty and timing | Foresaw India's independence and aligned with the nationalist movement decades before it succeeded | Organised the Allahabad High Court centenary and permanent Law Museum, preserving judicial heritage for future generations | Crafted the 'essential functions' theory — a precise, workable legal test that courts could apply for decades to come | Identified the global market for Ayurvedic beauty products decades before 'natural beauty' became a worldwide trend |
| Unwavering Integrity | Provided free lodging in Mecca for his subjects' Hajj pilgrimage — putting the welfare of his people above personal enrichment | Maintained loyalty to the Nizam across three reigns; his word was his bond in an era of shifting allegiances | Sacrificed personal comfort and position for the principle of Indian self-governance | When faced with arrest by the Legislature, chose constitutional duty over personal safety without hesitation | Maintained judicial independence during the Emergency when enormous political pressure was brought to bear on the judiciary | Built her brand on genuine Ayurvedic principles rather than shortcuts; maintained product integrity across 400+ franchise salons worldwide |
| Pioneering Spirit | Founded the Hyderabad Medical School and Dar-ul-Uloom — the first modern medical and educational institutions in the Deccan | First to adopt modern military techniques in the Nizam's army; owned a motorcar in 1909; employed English governesses | Among the first Muslim jurists to bridge traditional Islamic jurisprudence with modern constitutional law | His bail order in the Keshav Singh case was the first time any Indian judge directly challenged legislative supremacy | First Chief Justice of the newly formed Himachal Pradesh High Court; helped establish the Basic Structure Doctrine — unique in world law | First to take Ayurvedic beauty to the international stage; opened franchises across 138 countries when Indian brands rarely ventured abroad |
| Grit & Resilience | Ruled effectively for 12 years despite ascending the throne at a moment of existential crisis; achieved a surplus budget and transformed the state before his early death at 41 | Survived multiple military campaigns spanning decades; rebuilt influence after each political upheaval in the Nizam's court | Endured the hardships of the freedom struggle; maintained his principles through imprisonment and political persecution | Faced the full fury of a hostile Legislature issuing arrest warrants; stood firm while the entire constitutional order trembled | Navigated the politically treacherous waters of the Emergency era; delivered principled judgments under extraordinary pressure | Built a global brand from India in an era when infrastructure, capital, and international credibility were scarce for Indian entrepreneurs |
The pattern is unmistakable. Across six generations, from the sovereign's throne of the 5th Nizam, through the cavalry charges of 19th-century Hyderabad to the Supreme Court chambers of modern India to the boardrooms of a global beauty empire, the same traits recur: fearless courage in the face of overwhelming opposition, intellectual rigour that commands respect, strategic vision that sees decades ahead, unwavering integrity that refuses to compromise on principle, a pioneering spirit that breaks new ground, and the grit and resilience to endure when lesser spirits would have surrendered. These are not inherited titles or accumulated wealth — they are the psychological DNA of a remarkable family.
Epilogue
Daughter of Chief Justice N. U. Beg · Great-Great-Granddaughter of Sir Afsar Ul-Mulk

Shahnaz Husain — daughter of Chief Justice N. U. Beg, great-great-granddaughter of Sir Afsar Ul-Mulk, and world-renowned beauty entrepreneur
In her deeply moving essay "Reading Father, Life After Life", published in The Punch Magazine, Shahnaz Husain paints an intimate portrait of her father that no legal textbook could capture. She writes of a man whose intellectual curiosity was boundless, whose personal library was a universe unto itself, and whose values of justice and service were not abstract principles but the very fabric of daily life.
“My father was a voracious reader. He had a huge library and his room was always full of books. He read everything from English classics to Urdu poetry, from legal tomes to philosophical works. His intellectual curiosity knew no bounds.
— Shahnaz Husain, The Punch Magazine
She recalls a household where Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was a family friend, where conversations ranged from constitutional law to Urdu poetry, and where the values of public service and intellectual rigour were absorbed by osmosis. Her father's commitment to justice was not merely professional but deeply personal — a moral compass that guided every aspect of his life.
“He was a man of great integrity and moral courage. In the Keshav Singh case, when the Legislature issued warrants for his arrest, he did not flinch. He believed that the independence of the judiciary was sacrosanct and that no power on earth could make him compromise on that principle.
— Shahnaz Husain, The Punch Magazine
Shahnaz Husain's own extraordinary career — building a global beauty empire from India, pioneering Ayurvedic cosmetics, and becoming one of the most recognised Indian entrepreneurs in the world — is itself a testament to the values instilled by this remarkable family. The courage to chart an unconventional path, the intellectual rigour to master a complex field, and the unwavering commitment to excellence — these are the echoes of the Beg family legacy, reverberating through yet another generation.
From rulers in Central Asia who forged a military alliance with the Nizam, through three generations of commanders-in-chief who protected the largest princely state in India, to the sovereign's own bloodline through the 5th Nizam, to the courtrooms of Hyderabad, Allahabad, and the Supreme Court of India — the ancestors of Shahnaz Husain concentrated within a single family the military, royal, and judicial pillars of an entire civilisation. Their story is not merely a family history; it is a chapter in the story of India itself.
The echoes of their greatness continue to resound — in the constitutional principles they established, in the military honours they earned, in the four-foot door of Rahmat Manzil that made even a Nizam bow, in the values they passed to their children, and in the extraordinary life of Shahnaz Husain herself.
Grandson of Shahnaz Husain
Great great great grandson of Sir Afsar Ul Mulk
Great grandson of Chief Justice N. U. Beg
Great great great great grandson of Sir Fazalbhoy Currimbhoy Ebrahim,
1st Baronet of the Currimbhoy Ebrahim Baronetcy
Sharik Currimbhoy Ebrahim